On 18th March 2025, the Hungarian government, led by Viktor Orbán’s nationalist-populist party, the Fidesz Magyar Polgári Szövetség (Fidesz-Hungarian Civic Alliance), passed a new law that bans all Pride events in the country, restricting the right to assembly. The legislation also allows authorities to use facial recognition technology to identify participants in events held in defiance of the ban. Since then, demonstrations have been organised in Hungary to defend the right to assembly and to resist the government’s authoritarian technofascism. On Saturday, more than 10,000 people participated in the Gray Pride demonstration, organised by the Two-tailed Dog Party (MKKP). Waving gray flags, the participants advocated for uniformity and sameness as a satirical reaction to strengthening the legal foundations for the prohibition of the Pride march.
Totalitarianism relies on the policing of gender and sexuality, and this policing is part of the broader project of exclusion and repression that seeks to eradicate the very possibility of difference.
Judith Butler, ‘Bodies That Matter’
Orbán’s Model for Authoritarianism
For years, Victor Orbán’s party has used anti-LGBTQ+ rhetoric, often under the guise of “child protection”, which could be decoded as a convenient distraction from real issues, such as the erosion of democratic institutions, the decline in the autonomy of education, the stagnation of healthcare systems, and pervasive corruption. But it’s more than that. As Rédai Dorottya, a Hungarian author, activist and academic pointed out in her speech at an April 1st demonstration in Hungary, ‘All authoritarian regimes operate on the principle of “divide and rule”. Every such system picks vulnerable minority groups against whom the majority is agitated. Since the Fidesz-KDNP takeover in 2010, the systematic discrimination and exclusion of [LGBTQ+] people is not a rubber bullet, not a distraction from the more important issues, but a solid pillar of the system.’ Against this backdrop, GAY45 spoke with queer collectives and civil organisations in Hungary who, despite these challenges, continue to stand firm, build communities, and protect the rights of queer individuals living in Hungary.
Orbán first rose to power in 1998, as a young conservative politician, but only served a single term before landing back in opposition. After he got re-elected in 2010 he came back with a more calculated political agenda, that utilises weapons of populism, and built out the model of ‘illiberal democracy’. In recent years, the Orbán regime has followed a strategy of slow and gradual democratic erosion, and undermining the exercise of popular sovereignty – a model that others such as Trump and Slovakian PM Robert Fico have notably followed.
During this transition, Orbán curtailed press freedom by reducing media pluralism, dismantled the system of democratic checks and balances, marginalised the opposition, weakened the independence of academia, and slowly limited the rights and visibility of queer individuals in Hungary. Citing traditional Christian values, the government launched a campaign of hate propaganda, demonizing anything that deviated from heteronormative Hungarian values and shaping the nation in its own image – crystallising patriarchy and binary gender roles, positioning them as foundational pillars of national identity.
Erasing Queer Existence
Labrisz Lesbian Association was founded in 1999 in Budapest with the purpose of empowering self-acceptance and visibility of lesbian, bisexual and transgender women providing a safe, supportive environment. Anna Borgos, a psychologist and women’s historian, and founding member of Labrisz Lesbian Association said:
‘The government’s rhetoric about LGBTQ+ people, its exclusionary public discourse, legitimises everyday homophobia and heterosexism, and (re)instils fear, forcing people of “non-traditional” sexual orientation or gender identity into hiding. Since coming to power, Fidesz has been restricting the rights of LGBTQ+ people not only in rhetoric but also in concrete legislation.’
In our conversation with Blanka Rákos, the Managing Director of the Auróra Community Centre and founder of Marom Klub Association (which has been operating in Hungary for more than 20 years, working on building a more accepting and open society, both locally and nationally), she highlighted the key challenges faced by civil organisations advocating for the visibility and acceptance of queer people in Hungary. She also emphasised the harmful rhetoric used by the government:
‘It would be important to understand at government level that democratic functioning, the basic values of the European Union should be the common minimum. That does not make us enemies, just people who want to live here in this country in peace and without intimidation. I also find what is happening on a global level infinitely sad, these are steps backwards that we thought we had already leapfrogged. What is particularly cruel about the situation at home is that the manufacture of enemies is being shoved down the throats of many, many people by using a Christian ideology, and there is no adequate counterweight to show the perversity of this.’
In 2020, the country banned same-sex couples from adoption and amended the constitution to state that “the mother is a woman, the father is a man” under the guise of a family oriented model to strengthen “the protection of Hungarian families and the safety of our children.” Same-sex marriage is illegal in Hungary, but adoption has been possible if one partner applies on their own.
In the same year the government approved Article 33, which makes the sex assigned at birth unchangeable in the birth register, including all official documents, severely hindering transgender people to live authentically and have their gender identity recognized. This legislation also conflicts with EU law, as it denies transgender people the right to protect their personal data, and undermine their access to healthcare. Luca Dudits is an Executive Board Member and Head of Communications of Háttér Society, the largest LGBTQ+ organisation in Hungary existing since 1999, explained how the organisation has been working on restoring trans rights in Hungary:
‘The ban on legal gender recognition has made the everyday life of trans people much more difficult. As part of our strategic litigation, we have so far submitted over 85 applications to the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) to restore legal gender recognition. Last month, we had a significant victory in another case about the matter: the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) rendered a judgement that the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) obliges Hungarian authorities to correct personal data on gender identity where it is inaccurate, i.e. in all cases where the social reality and gender identity of trans people differs from their sex at birth. We believe that this is a step in the right direction, but unfortunately, legal procedures are lengthy. It has almost been five years since the ban on legal gender recognition, and having to explain yourself and your documents on a daily basis can be not only tiring, but it also puts trans people at risk of discrimination and harassment.’
State-Sanctioned Psychological Terror
A year later, the government prohibited the sharing of LGBTQ+-related content and information with minors in advertising, media and schools. Two months later this legislation was extended to books: ‘books for children that depict gender nonconformity, gender reassignment, sexuality for its own purposes, and products that depict or promote homosexuality may only be marketed in closed packaging separately from other products. Whenever books are burned, men also in the end are burned, and whenever books that could give a sense of belonging and representation are foiled, people will feel that they need to be concealed from public view as well. This act is well calculated psychological terror – it further weakens the marginalized, creates internalized guilt and shame, through the simple act of packaging. The message is clear: you can stay for now, you just have to remain hidden.
‘In itself,’ added Anna Borgos of Labrisz Lesbian Association, ‘the exclusion of information causes a lot of harm and does not protect children at all. Tabooing the subject, increasing censorship and – above all – self-censorship, spreading misconceptions and prejudices (often legitimised by “professionals”) about LGBTQI people, increases the risk of shame, internalised homophobia, minority stress, anxiety or depression, and on the other hand, the likelihood of bullying and harassment. By not allowing LGBTQI organisations to hold sessions in schools, minority and majority children alike are deprived of the opportunity to hear authentic knowledge and experiences. Of course, the internet is now abundant with information, which is good, but it may not be the most authentic place for young people to get it.
One of the most significant psychological challenges faced by young queer individuals in Hungary is navigating the dehumanising and heterosexist image progressively shaped by government propaganda that equates LGBTQ+ people with paedophiles.
‘I personally see it as uncertainty and mistrust,’ says Blanka Rákos of Marom Klub Association. ‘Not knowing who, when and with what thoughts in their head is attacking you either verbally or physically, shaming you in the online space, judging you in the unknown. And this insecurity can then manifest itself in someone not daring to speak up, in constantly limiting their emotions and expressions, in losing self-esteem, in painful conflict even within their family. And on the flip side, anyone who steps into these propaganda shoes feels empowered to behave accordingly without consequences. These are dangerous, fear-inducing processes, and unfortunately there is no sign of this changing for the better in the foreseeable future, and we are not yet at the bottom of it, which is particularly frightening.
Just a couple weeks before imposing a ban on Pride events, the party has passed a legislation that defines the “order of creation,” stating that “humans are either male or female,” effectively erasing the existence of trans, nonbinary, and intersex individuals. This also goes beyond political rhetoric, representing the dangerous shift in distorting scientific understanding, since it ignores the complexity of biological and gender diversity.
“Queer People Have Always Existed in Hungary, and They Always Will.”
The core issue with these changes is that they are also not representative of the mindset of the Hungarian population – this is just the narrative the government wants us to believe. Queer people have always existed in Hungary, and they always will — and even though there is a significant disparity between Budapest and rural Hungary in terms of queer visibility and accessibility of LGBTQ+ spaces, there is a lot of work done to support these communities. As Luca Dudits notes:
‘Hungarians have actually become much more accepting of LGBTQI people over the last fifteen years, be that legal gender recognition, marriage equality, adoption by LGBTQI people and couples. It’s no coincidence 60% of Hungarians have an LGBTQI friend or acquaintance: we are less likely to believe harmful stereotypes about a minority when our cousin, friend or colleague belongs to said social group. We aim to support LGBTQI groups outside of Budapest: every year, we attend the Pécs Pride (the only march outside of the capital). We also hold trainings and workshops: recently the topics were increasing participants’ awareness of their rights; burnout prevention as activists, and how to have difficult (but constructive) conversations about LGBTQI topics with people who might not agree with us.’
After the recent bridge blockade during the protests for banning pride, Viktor Orbán announced that the government would pass a law banning bridge closures. Despite the government’s ongoing efforts to curtail the rights of queer people, there is hope for a larger-than-ever Pride March on June 28th in Budapest, which will also mark the 30th edition of the event. We asked community organisers, what is the significance of this new wave of protests?:
Luca answered that, ‘Most of the protests about the law have tackled exactly that it’s “not about LGBTQ+ people, but our right to assembly”. I think it says a lot about Hungarian society that people need to be coaxed out to the streets, and an attack against the rights of a vulnerable minority is not enough on its own. And this is not the first time demonstrations have been banned: the Hungarian police has not permitted a single protest in support for Palestinians for the past 1.5 years, following the directives Viktor Orbán set out in a radio interview.’
‘Fortunately,’ continued Anna Borgos, ‘many people beyond the LGBTQ+ community are now mobilising, sensing that democracy and the preservation or loss of fundamental human rights are at stake. Of course, it is no coincidence that LGBTQ+ people are the primary targets of power: on the one hand, their ideology is based on a heterosexist concept of family and gender, and on the other hand, they build on society’s homophobia, so this minority group is also very well suited to making enemies. Of course, as an organisation, we must also protest, and this is strengthened by international support and solidarity from other NGOs. And as individuals, let us not allow ourselves to be intimidated, let us go to Budapest Pride on 28 June, where we hope to see an unprecedented crowd in response to the ban.’
‘And we need solidarity,’ concluded Luca, ‘more than ever, and in our everyday lives too. We need to stop laughing at unfunny jokes at the expense of vulnerable groups, have difficult conversations with our acquaintances, and address harmful behavior when we witness it. And not just about LGBTQI people: we have to show up for women, racialised people, disabled people, and all marginalised groups. After all, none of us are free until all of us are free.’
A Transnational Model for Oppression (and Resistance)
It’s vital to encourage resistance within the queer community during the global rise of fascism and techno feudalistic oppression, and show transnational solidarity not just with Hungary, but all places where the same ‘illiberal’ populist tactics have been applied. Orban and his way of governing have been the setting example for conservatives in Europe, and the US right wing. So what can we really do in Hungary to reclaim queer rights even if we feel isolated or threatened?
Anna insists we should, ‘Be sure to seek contact with other LGBTQ+ people and supportive communities, talk a lot. Fortunately, there are many LGBTQI organisations with different profiles (although mostly in the capital), you can find programmes, get information or ask for help on the websites of the Háttér Társaság, Labrisz Association, Symposium Association, qLit, TransVanilla, Prizma Prism, the Foundation for Rainbow Families or Affirmative Psychology run by the LGBTQI Section of the Hungarian Psychological Association.‘
Blanka wished, ‘that every young person has at least one trustworthy person who can help, support, strengthen, protect their self-image and self-esteem, who can educate instead of foil, and most importantly, I wish every parent to love, support and not let their child’s soul be corrupted.’
While Luca advises, ‘Keep going and you’ll find your place. A lot of organisations offer book clubs or other social events where you might meet like-minded people and make friends. In times like this, we need community more than ever: throughout history, we have always persevered, holding onto each other. This time will be no different. And personally? Spite also works for me: do not let them win.
Queer rights are always a hallmark of how democratic a country is, but they don’t measure the exponential radicalisation of queerness – we are currently experiencing the repression of gender diversity, where there is a global assault on LGBTQ+ rights. The political weaponisation of homophobia and transphobia fuels authoritarian populist systems that normalise and institutionalise exclusionary social structures – and whilst ‘sexual orientation and gender identity are not a matter of conviction,’ as the organiser of Budapest Pride explained in a statement, ‘nor are they a purely private matter, human life, which is fundamentally a community life, consists of debates with others and the responsibility we take for them.’
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